I have been a long time lurker on SWHI and I have found this TL. It's of the same quality and research as the Hittite TL but a later POD. I have gotten his permission in posting this and if you'd like I have included his email in this post.
===========================================
William Baird (anzha@hotmail.com)
Date: 2002-06-24 01:20:18 PST
This is a rewrite of my previous post about a surviving remnant of the
Byzantine Empire(1). This takes into account what Demetrios Rammos
commented on and a lot more thought from a book I just finished(2).
This is being rushed out before I get done with my last BANW *Anasazi
because a friend from work desperately wants to read the source book.
He's from Rumania and wants to compare what he learned in school to
what is in the book. I am loath to turn Constin down, and so here we
go. Any and all mistakes are mine and mine alone.
=======================================
In the Beginning: The Last Crusade and One Broken Man
In 1443, John VIII Palaeologus had all but tickled the Pope into
starting a crusade to save the Byzantine Empire. By this he had
negotiated away the independence of the Orthodox Church; he had
trumped and stumped his way around Europe to get the help he needed.
The Sultan had obliged by crossing into Transylvania and alarming the
Hungarians. Additionally, the Sultan had spread himself thin in many
areas: in Morea, Albania, and Anatolia, he was fighting a serious of
campaigns simultaneously. The Crusade was kicked off in the summer of
1443.
Marching south, they were supported by a Venetian Fleet. After a
string of victories – Sophia surrendered without a fight and more
elsewhere, the Sultan was actually very alarmed. He made enough
concessions for a ten-year truce. The Pope Eugenius absolved King
Ladislas of all oaths to the Sultan from the concessions. Thus, the
Crusading Army under John Hunyadi and King Ladislas marched to the
Black Sea at Varna. There they had expected to meet up with the
Venetian Fleet. This was not to be. It was preoccupied with trying
to prevent the Sultan – Murad - from crossing from Anatolia to
Rumelia. They failed. Murad roared up the Balkans and smashed the
Crusaders. Only John Hunyadi and some of his men succeeded in
escaping.
For John VIII Palaeologus and Byzantium, this was a disaster. It was
also a humiliation because he was forced to congratulate Murad on his
success because he was Murad vassal. Eleven days later, he died in
Constantinople a broken man. For Byzantium this was a disaster
because at this point, the West wrote off the Empire as lost and
possibly not even worth saving.
John had died childless and this created a small dilemma. He had
three surviving brothers: Constantine, Demetrius, and Thomas. He had
selected Constantine, the Despot of Morea, to be his successor.
However, immediately Demetrius challenged him for it. It took the
intervention of their mother, the Empress Helena, siding with
Constantine for him to inherit the throne.(3)
Now let's shift the wheels of shwi…
The Empress Helena gets very thoughtful. She realizes that
Constantine would make the best Emperor, but that the remaining part
of what is under Byzantine sovereignty would be very weakened by
removing him to take the title: Demetrius and Thomas loath each other
like no other two can. She realizes that leaving those two to lead
would be a mistake. A terrible, terrible mistake. She doesn't like
the idea of supporting Demetrius, but Constantine is about the only
chance something of Byzantium will survive the Fall of Constantinople.
. And she can see that writing on the wall.
She backs Demetrius. This shocks Constantine, but he acquiesces. She
writes him begging him to try to understand and forgive her. Later,
he would understand the why of what she did. He never does.
That Damn Fool
Demetrius I Palaeologus in November, 1448 is crowned Emperor of Rome.
He is not an ideal candidate. Foolish and overly ambitious, he first
declares the Council of Florence – an attempt to unite the Orthodox
and Catholic branches of the church under the Pope in exchange for the
last Crusade - to be null and void. This wins the population over
immediately. This would prevent any help from the West, especially
the Popes. He's riding high and begins, despite his advisors strongly
disagreeing with any action that might provoke the Turk, to take the
subsidy that he has been getting from the Sultan to begin fixing up
Constantinople's defenses. Murad hears of this, but does nothing, not
being terribly worried about it. Demetrius I then begins to hire
mercenaries and outfit them in January of 1451.
A month later, Murad is dead of apoplexy. Mehmet is summoned back
from Anatolia to take his father's place. Mehmet is 19. The West had
thought him too young and immature to be the threat his father was.
Demetrius shares this opinion. Mehmet has been doing his best to
encourage this from nearly all quarters. Demetrius sends ambassadors
to Mehmet and they exchange vows of eternal friendship. Mehmet
immediately begins building the Rumeli Hisar, a castle across from
another, Anadolu Hisar, in Anatolia. This is at the narrowest point
on the Bosphorus and gives command of it with cannon.
IOTL, Constantine new his position was too weak and sent embassies
with bribes. Two were sent away unheard. The third had the
ambassadors executed. He had more sense than Demetrius ever did…
Demetrius reacts with anger. He bides his time long enough to get an
army of reasonable size. In 1452, he crosses the Golden Horn and
marches through Galata to the Rumeli Hisar. He attacks and initially
succeeds in attacking the working party and small army left to guard
it. Damaging the building he turns to retreat only to find it blocked
off by Mehmet. A battle ensues. Demetrius' army is crushed.
He, however, is able to sneak away on a Byzantine ship back to
Constantinople. There he is reviled for what he has done. For
nothing, he has stirred up the Turk! Mehmet recalls all his
regiments, all the irregulars he can dig up. He invests
Constantinople in June 1452.
A lone Turkish voice, a friend of Mehmet's father, Halil would have
counseled against the siege IOTL. He would pay with his life once the
siege was over. ATL he bites his tongue. The young Sultan is angry
beyond words and even to speak against him now would be tantamount to
suicide.(4)
A few skirmishes are fought. Sallies from the city, especially led by
a one Antonio Rizzo, a Venetian sea captain stuck between the castles
being built to the north and the Turkish fleet to the south, merely
prolong the inevitable.
On July 17, 1452, Mehmet marched out, after finishing his siege
preparations, and made the traditional offer for the city to
surrender. To the shock of the whole of Christendom, especially his
brother Constantine, Demetrius accepted. He had been hearing "Better
the Turban of the Turk, than the crown of a fool." This convinced him
he could not get the support he needed to hold off Mehmet. Mehmet's
army marched largely peacefully in and took possession of the City.
Under threat of death, Demetrius converts to Islam. Demetrius then
writes Constantine that he ought to surrender to Mehmet because
Constantine cannot hope to resist him.
Constantine never acknowledges his brother.
Strength from Drinking of the Well of Despair
During the surrender, the Patriarch of Constantinople, along with a
number of other hid. After it was over, he and a number of Italians
fled via ship to Morea. Mehmet took advantage of the situation to
have Gennadius appointed in the fleeing Patriarch's place hoping to
maintain the schism between east and west branches of the church, as
well as make sure that the fleeing Patriarch is seen as deposed.
Mehmet, like in OTL, protects the Orthodox Church and even includes in
into his government in a brilliant political move. [Interesting knock
off effects here, two rival Patriarchs of Constantinople, that is…]
Constantine did realize that Mehmet was not the little flake that the
West had taken him for. Being the leader he appears to be, he sets
out to at least make the taking of Morea to be as painful as possible.
He is astute enough to realize that while he could be crowned the
Emperor, it would bring Mehmet immediately. He also realizes that
even though Mehmet may be brilliant, he's going to take some time to
digest what he just swallowed.
Like his brother, Michael, he goes on a tour to see what sort of help
he can turn up. This time around though, no Crusade will be produced.
A few soldiers, here, a few soldiers there. However, nowhere near
what he needs. Constantine was a smart guy. In the process of his
travels, 1452-1454, he encounters Vegetius' manual: "De Re Militari".
He also is familiar with gunpowder and what it has done to 15th
century warfare. All of these thoughts were rattling around that when
on the return trip, specifically while in Rome proper, he is inspired
by thoughts of Roman Legions. And Greek Phalanxes…hmmm.
On his return leg of his journey, while all of these ideas are still
in the formative stage, he is invited to Geneva by the bishop.
Understanding the nature of Constantine's journey, he asks the cantons
to demonstrate their heavy infantry. Constantine is enthralled. He
sees problems with using it alone given the Turkish spahis, but it's
an outstanding starting point. He hires a square – 2500 men - with
options on two others and rushes back to Morea.
On the way, he stops at Rome to do some politicking. Constantine
plays the Pope some by teasing him with the thought of unification of
the Churches. He doesn't actually offer it, but talks of considering
it. In attempts to win Constantine over, the Pope gives the money to
hire the other two squares. A messenger is sent back while
Constantine continues on.
At Mistra, he begins his reforms. Using the Swiss squares as a base
to start with, he pulls off a Maurice of Nassau a century early. The
knowledge and technology had been there for a century. All it would
have taken was a bit of inspiration. Necessity is said to be the
mother of inspiration. Desperation seems to produce it in litters.
Over the next six years he uses the matchlock, iron discipline, and
pikes to produce the pike square. Pikemen outside, gunners inside.
Typically, there were five pikemen for a single gunner: Morea was not
rich and couldn't afford more than an average of 15 guns made per
month.
His elite pike and matchlock forces he calls the Legions: first,
second, and third. He realizes that even if this works in terms of
manpower it will still be short of being able to route Mehmet. While
matchlocks and the full armor of the Swiss infantry were very
expensive, other weapons were not as much so. He had great plans for
a militia auxiliary corps, but that would have to wait. Instead he
took heavy sword infantry, mostly mercenary, for the role.
Some of the Genoans had been very shocked at Constantinople's fall.
One such man was Giovanni Guistiniani Longo. This brave soul
Constantine placed in command of his mercenaries, swordsmen and
bowmen. Guistiniani took inspiration from Constantine's drill, march,
and formation: he applied it to his troops as well.
All told, Constantine had 24,000 infantry: 15,000 pikemen – half
native, half Swiss, 3,000 arquebusiers, and 6,000 swordsmen and
bowmen.
The second problem that the new Morean Army faced was that it lacked
in mobility. They were all, after all, infantry and often carrying
very heavy loads: whether as the pikemen or gunners, or the supporting
sword or bowmen. None could move quickly, and especially not
tactically. While the Legionnaires could keep the spahi at bay, they
would almost always be able to pick the place of battle unless
something could be done to redress this.
Another man showed up from out of the mists of the Balkans. He too
had heard of a stand against the Turk by the rightful ruler of
Byzantium. He'd tried before to help in this very noble cause, but
had fallen a bit short. He felt he would not do so again. His name
was John Hunyadi.
John took up the cause of the Morean cavalry. Having faced the spahi
before, he adopted lance and bow tactics instead of sword and bow of
his enemy. He could only produce a sixth of the troops that the
infantry did. Constantine dubbed him his Cataphracts.
Cannon have not been neglected either…
Armed to the teeth, as ready as he ever would be, Constantine marched
out to tie up the loose ends in Morea: a Turkish fortress here,
another there, etc. Word gets back to Mehmet. He rouses an army:
it's a mighty host of 100,000 and he marches on Morea…
An army that size cannot be hidden. Constantine knows what's coming
down. Since he doesn't have a lot to lose anyways, he has his rival
Patriarch crown him Emperor of the Romans. This gets Mehmet's
legendary temper set off: however, he's not stupid and doesn't do
anything immediately rash. March on he does. Through the annexed
Duchy of Athens across the Isthmus of Corinth where Constantine
awaits…
Homer would be Proud
Mehmet's force was met full fury by Constantine's. The initial clash
gored the Anatolian infantry that Mehmet had turned loose with
surprisingly little casualties for the Legionnaires. Mehmet threw one
after another of his subject forces against the Moreans. Time and
again they were thrown back. This was not without cost. The
Cataphracts whirled and danced with the Spahi. Charged and retreated,
lanced and snapped bows. Pikemen gutted horses and men. The gunner
thundered above the heads of their protecting pikes. By the end of
the first day, both sides were exhausted and disentangled.
Mehmet characteristically slaughtered some generals.
Constantine debated with his. In the end, there was no choice: they
had been literally decimated. The Moreans had to retreat. Using a
token force of auxiliaries as a screen, retreat Constantine did, that
night no less, to better ground.
Mehmet found out the next morning and marched after him. Another
battle ensued when the spahi caught up to the marching Moreans.
Morean Legionnaires formed their squares. For the first time in
millennia, Roman swordsmen formed their tortoises. They were
maneuvered inside the circle of squares. Discipline was holding the
army together. Unfortunately, Mehmet had force marched his infantry
up to the site of where the Moreans were pinned.
These Mehmet immediately crashed in to the squares. German, Greek and
Italian were spat at those speaking Turkish, Arab, and Slavonic.
Pikes were thrust, swords swung, and death followed. Arrows fell from
the swirling tides of spahi around the Morean formation. The squares
slowly gave ground: they simply had to under the pressure. Things
were definitely desperate.
Constantine, Guistiniani, and Hunyadi conferred. Something had to be
done or they'd suffer Crassus' fate. Taking a play from Caesar, they
would try a Pharsalos: the sword infantry was as yet uncommitted.
Guistiniani had boasted they were the best swordsmen since the
Principate…the swordsmen formed up with their bowmen. The gunners on
the south side of the formation, the gunners stepped back and opened
up a gap between the squares. As the gunners stepped back, the spahi
poured in. A disaster was in the making!
A mad melee broke out in the center of the now omni directional
bristling squares. Spahi rode down bowmen and gunners. Swordsmen in
shield walls clashing with janissaries. Morean horsemen swirled in a
deadly dance. All control had been lost by the Moreans.
Hunyadi had pulled back with some of his surviving horsemen that he
could get control of: a mere ten percent of what he'd had going into
the meat grinder. Licking his lips, he realized that it was happening
again. All over again. He, the brilliant man he was, was about to
lose Byzantium's battle. Again. It was Varna all over again. This
he vowed for it not to be.
Collaring a priest, he rallied his men and charged out the north side
of the battle. He had seen a unique opportunity: Mehmet was
relatively unguarded. Almost all of the troops had been committed to
what appeared to be the crush of the Morean forces. Hunyadi charged
in cleaving a route to the hated Sultan. Full of arrows, Mehmet fell
from his horse. All, but throwing the priest at Mehmet: baptize him,
but hurry about it. Mehmet was too weak to protest, but it shook the
army around him like a hurricane would a palm tree, buffeting it like
a play toy. His most loyal attacked Hunyadi and his guard around the
priest. They were slaughtered to a man: however, the appearance of
baptism and last rights for the Moslem Sultan would be great
propaganda. The army all but disintegrated as Christians – Serbs and
others – turned on the Muslims around them, slaughtering and killing
now free of their oath to Mehmet.
Whole regiments fled. From the jaws of defeat, Constantine had
snatched victory.
Just.
The next 12 years of his reign would determine much about the course
of the Morean Empire (so called by modern scholars even though they
simply called themselves ‘Roman').
Continue?
Will
1. http://groups.google.com/groups?hl=...4d8827d.0204202358.ad202ab@posting.google.com
2. The Balkans since 1453, Stravrianos, LS, ISBN 0-8147-9766-0. I
highly recommend the book. It doesn't pick sides when telling the
story of the peninsula and makes for a very interesting read. I am
looking forward to reading more on the subject because of how well
written this is. I am sure it leaves out a lot – it covers nearly 500
years of history of a very diverse area – but it seems to be at least
a very good starting place.
3. A Short History of Byzantium, Norwich, JJ, ISBN 0-679-45088-3
4. Lords of the Horizons, Goodwin, Jason, ISBN 0-8050-6342-0
===========================================
William Baird (anzha@hotmail.com)
Date: 2002-06-24 01:20:18 PST
This is a rewrite of my previous post about a surviving remnant of the
Byzantine Empire(1). This takes into account what Demetrios Rammos
commented on and a lot more thought from a book I just finished(2).
This is being rushed out before I get done with my last BANW *Anasazi
because a friend from work desperately wants to read the source book.
He's from Rumania and wants to compare what he learned in school to
what is in the book. I am loath to turn Constin down, and so here we
go. Any and all mistakes are mine and mine alone.
=======================================
In the Beginning: The Last Crusade and One Broken Man
In 1443, John VIII Palaeologus had all but tickled the Pope into
starting a crusade to save the Byzantine Empire. By this he had
negotiated away the independence of the Orthodox Church; he had
trumped and stumped his way around Europe to get the help he needed.
The Sultan had obliged by crossing into Transylvania and alarming the
Hungarians. Additionally, the Sultan had spread himself thin in many
areas: in Morea, Albania, and Anatolia, he was fighting a serious of
campaigns simultaneously. The Crusade was kicked off in the summer of
1443.
Marching south, they were supported by a Venetian Fleet. After a
string of victories – Sophia surrendered without a fight and more
elsewhere, the Sultan was actually very alarmed. He made enough
concessions for a ten-year truce. The Pope Eugenius absolved King
Ladislas of all oaths to the Sultan from the concessions. Thus, the
Crusading Army under John Hunyadi and King Ladislas marched to the
Black Sea at Varna. There they had expected to meet up with the
Venetian Fleet. This was not to be. It was preoccupied with trying
to prevent the Sultan – Murad - from crossing from Anatolia to
Rumelia. They failed. Murad roared up the Balkans and smashed the
Crusaders. Only John Hunyadi and some of his men succeeded in
escaping.
For John VIII Palaeologus and Byzantium, this was a disaster. It was
also a humiliation because he was forced to congratulate Murad on his
success because he was Murad vassal. Eleven days later, he died in
Constantinople a broken man. For Byzantium this was a disaster
because at this point, the West wrote off the Empire as lost and
possibly not even worth saving.
John had died childless and this created a small dilemma. He had
three surviving brothers: Constantine, Demetrius, and Thomas. He had
selected Constantine, the Despot of Morea, to be his successor.
However, immediately Demetrius challenged him for it. It took the
intervention of their mother, the Empress Helena, siding with
Constantine for him to inherit the throne.(3)
Now let's shift the wheels of shwi…
The Empress Helena gets very thoughtful. She realizes that
Constantine would make the best Emperor, but that the remaining part
of what is under Byzantine sovereignty would be very weakened by
removing him to take the title: Demetrius and Thomas loath each other
like no other two can. She realizes that leaving those two to lead
would be a mistake. A terrible, terrible mistake. She doesn't like
the idea of supporting Demetrius, but Constantine is about the only
chance something of Byzantium will survive the Fall of Constantinople.
. And she can see that writing on the wall.
She backs Demetrius. This shocks Constantine, but he acquiesces. She
writes him begging him to try to understand and forgive her. Later,
he would understand the why of what she did. He never does.
That Damn Fool
Demetrius I Palaeologus in November, 1448 is crowned Emperor of Rome.
He is not an ideal candidate. Foolish and overly ambitious, he first
declares the Council of Florence – an attempt to unite the Orthodox
and Catholic branches of the church under the Pope in exchange for the
last Crusade - to be null and void. This wins the population over
immediately. This would prevent any help from the West, especially
the Popes. He's riding high and begins, despite his advisors strongly
disagreeing with any action that might provoke the Turk, to take the
subsidy that he has been getting from the Sultan to begin fixing up
Constantinople's defenses. Murad hears of this, but does nothing, not
being terribly worried about it. Demetrius I then begins to hire
mercenaries and outfit them in January of 1451.
A month later, Murad is dead of apoplexy. Mehmet is summoned back
from Anatolia to take his father's place. Mehmet is 19. The West had
thought him too young and immature to be the threat his father was.
Demetrius shares this opinion. Mehmet has been doing his best to
encourage this from nearly all quarters. Demetrius sends ambassadors
to Mehmet and they exchange vows of eternal friendship. Mehmet
immediately begins building the Rumeli Hisar, a castle across from
another, Anadolu Hisar, in Anatolia. This is at the narrowest point
on the Bosphorus and gives command of it with cannon.
IOTL, Constantine new his position was too weak and sent embassies
with bribes. Two were sent away unheard. The third had the
ambassadors executed. He had more sense than Demetrius ever did…
Demetrius reacts with anger. He bides his time long enough to get an
army of reasonable size. In 1452, he crosses the Golden Horn and
marches through Galata to the Rumeli Hisar. He attacks and initially
succeeds in attacking the working party and small army left to guard
it. Damaging the building he turns to retreat only to find it blocked
off by Mehmet. A battle ensues. Demetrius' army is crushed.
He, however, is able to sneak away on a Byzantine ship back to
Constantinople. There he is reviled for what he has done. For
nothing, he has stirred up the Turk! Mehmet recalls all his
regiments, all the irregulars he can dig up. He invests
Constantinople in June 1452.
A lone Turkish voice, a friend of Mehmet's father, Halil would have
counseled against the siege IOTL. He would pay with his life once the
siege was over. ATL he bites his tongue. The young Sultan is angry
beyond words and even to speak against him now would be tantamount to
suicide.(4)
A few skirmishes are fought. Sallies from the city, especially led by
a one Antonio Rizzo, a Venetian sea captain stuck between the castles
being built to the north and the Turkish fleet to the south, merely
prolong the inevitable.
On July 17, 1452, Mehmet marched out, after finishing his siege
preparations, and made the traditional offer for the city to
surrender. To the shock of the whole of Christendom, especially his
brother Constantine, Demetrius accepted. He had been hearing "Better
the Turban of the Turk, than the crown of a fool." This convinced him
he could not get the support he needed to hold off Mehmet. Mehmet's
army marched largely peacefully in and took possession of the City.
Under threat of death, Demetrius converts to Islam. Demetrius then
writes Constantine that he ought to surrender to Mehmet because
Constantine cannot hope to resist him.
Constantine never acknowledges his brother.
Strength from Drinking of the Well of Despair
During the surrender, the Patriarch of Constantinople, along with a
number of other hid. After it was over, he and a number of Italians
fled via ship to Morea. Mehmet took advantage of the situation to
have Gennadius appointed in the fleeing Patriarch's place hoping to
maintain the schism between east and west branches of the church, as
well as make sure that the fleeing Patriarch is seen as deposed.
Mehmet, like in OTL, protects the Orthodox Church and even includes in
into his government in a brilliant political move. [Interesting knock
off effects here, two rival Patriarchs of Constantinople, that is…]
Constantine did realize that Mehmet was not the little flake that the
West had taken him for. Being the leader he appears to be, he sets
out to at least make the taking of Morea to be as painful as possible.
He is astute enough to realize that while he could be crowned the
Emperor, it would bring Mehmet immediately. He also realizes that
even though Mehmet may be brilliant, he's going to take some time to
digest what he just swallowed.
Like his brother, Michael, he goes on a tour to see what sort of help
he can turn up. This time around though, no Crusade will be produced.
A few soldiers, here, a few soldiers there. However, nowhere near
what he needs. Constantine was a smart guy. In the process of his
travels, 1452-1454, he encounters Vegetius' manual: "De Re Militari".
He also is familiar with gunpowder and what it has done to 15th
century warfare. All of these thoughts were rattling around that when
on the return trip, specifically while in Rome proper, he is inspired
by thoughts of Roman Legions. And Greek Phalanxes…hmmm.
On his return leg of his journey, while all of these ideas are still
in the formative stage, he is invited to Geneva by the bishop.
Understanding the nature of Constantine's journey, he asks the cantons
to demonstrate their heavy infantry. Constantine is enthralled. He
sees problems with using it alone given the Turkish spahis, but it's
an outstanding starting point. He hires a square – 2500 men - with
options on two others and rushes back to Morea.
On the way, he stops at Rome to do some politicking. Constantine
plays the Pope some by teasing him with the thought of unification of
the Churches. He doesn't actually offer it, but talks of considering
it. In attempts to win Constantine over, the Pope gives the money to
hire the other two squares. A messenger is sent back while
Constantine continues on.
At Mistra, he begins his reforms. Using the Swiss squares as a base
to start with, he pulls off a Maurice of Nassau a century early. The
knowledge and technology had been there for a century. All it would
have taken was a bit of inspiration. Necessity is said to be the
mother of inspiration. Desperation seems to produce it in litters.
Over the next six years he uses the matchlock, iron discipline, and
pikes to produce the pike square. Pikemen outside, gunners inside.
Typically, there were five pikemen for a single gunner: Morea was not
rich and couldn't afford more than an average of 15 guns made per
month.
His elite pike and matchlock forces he calls the Legions: first,
second, and third. He realizes that even if this works in terms of
manpower it will still be short of being able to route Mehmet. While
matchlocks and the full armor of the Swiss infantry were very
expensive, other weapons were not as much so. He had great plans for
a militia auxiliary corps, but that would have to wait. Instead he
took heavy sword infantry, mostly mercenary, for the role.
Some of the Genoans had been very shocked at Constantinople's fall.
One such man was Giovanni Guistiniani Longo. This brave soul
Constantine placed in command of his mercenaries, swordsmen and
bowmen. Guistiniani took inspiration from Constantine's drill, march,
and formation: he applied it to his troops as well.
All told, Constantine had 24,000 infantry: 15,000 pikemen – half
native, half Swiss, 3,000 arquebusiers, and 6,000 swordsmen and
bowmen.
The second problem that the new Morean Army faced was that it lacked
in mobility. They were all, after all, infantry and often carrying
very heavy loads: whether as the pikemen or gunners, or the supporting
sword or bowmen. None could move quickly, and especially not
tactically. While the Legionnaires could keep the spahi at bay, they
would almost always be able to pick the place of battle unless
something could be done to redress this.
Another man showed up from out of the mists of the Balkans. He too
had heard of a stand against the Turk by the rightful ruler of
Byzantium. He'd tried before to help in this very noble cause, but
had fallen a bit short. He felt he would not do so again. His name
was John Hunyadi.
John took up the cause of the Morean cavalry. Having faced the spahi
before, he adopted lance and bow tactics instead of sword and bow of
his enemy. He could only produce a sixth of the troops that the
infantry did. Constantine dubbed him his Cataphracts.
Cannon have not been neglected either…
Armed to the teeth, as ready as he ever would be, Constantine marched
out to tie up the loose ends in Morea: a Turkish fortress here,
another there, etc. Word gets back to Mehmet. He rouses an army:
it's a mighty host of 100,000 and he marches on Morea…
An army that size cannot be hidden. Constantine knows what's coming
down. Since he doesn't have a lot to lose anyways, he has his rival
Patriarch crown him Emperor of the Romans. This gets Mehmet's
legendary temper set off: however, he's not stupid and doesn't do
anything immediately rash. March on he does. Through the annexed
Duchy of Athens across the Isthmus of Corinth where Constantine
awaits…
Homer would be Proud
Mehmet's force was met full fury by Constantine's. The initial clash
gored the Anatolian infantry that Mehmet had turned loose with
surprisingly little casualties for the Legionnaires. Mehmet threw one
after another of his subject forces against the Moreans. Time and
again they were thrown back. This was not without cost. The
Cataphracts whirled and danced with the Spahi. Charged and retreated,
lanced and snapped bows. Pikemen gutted horses and men. The gunner
thundered above the heads of their protecting pikes. By the end of
the first day, both sides were exhausted and disentangled.
Mehmet characteristically slaughtered some generals.
Constantine debated with his. In the end, there was no choice: they
had been literally decimated. The Moreans had to retreat. Using a
token force of auxiliaries as a screen, retreat Constantine did, that
night no less, to better ground.
Mehmet found out the next morning and marched after him. Another
battle ensued when the spahi caught up to the marching Moreans.
Morean Legionnaires formed their squares. For the first time in
millennia, Roman swordsmen formed their tortoises. They were
maneuvered inside the circle of squares. Discipline was holding the
army together. Unfortunately, Mehmet had force marched his infantry
up to the site of where the Moreans were pinned.
These Mehmet immediately crashed in to the squares. German, Greek and
Italian were spat at those speaking Turkish, Arab, and Slavonic.
Pikes were thrust, swords swung, and death followed. Arrows fell from
the swirling tides of spahi around the Morean formation. The squares
slowly gave ground: they simply had to under the pressure. Things
were definitely desperate.
Constantine, Guistiniani, and Hunyadi conferred. Something had to be
done or they'd suffer Crassus' fate. Taking a play from Caesar, they
would try a Pharsalos: the sword infantry was as yet uncommitted.
Guistiniani had boasted they were the best swordsmen since the
Principate…the swordsmen formed up with their bowmen. The gunners on
the south side of the formation, the gunners stepped back and opened
up a gap between the squares. As the gunners stepped back, the spahi
poured in. A disaster was in the making!
A mad melee broke out in the center of the now omni directional
bristling squares. Spahi rode down bowmen and gunners. Swordsmen in
shield walls clashing with janissaries. Morean horsemen swirled in a
deadly dance. All control had been lost by the Moreans.
Hunyadi had pulled back with some of his surviving horsemen that he
could get control of: a mere ten percent of what he'd had going into
the meat grinder. Licking his lips, he realized that it was happening
again. All over again. He, the brilliant man he was, was about to
lose Byzantium's battle. Again. It was Varna all over again. This
he vowed for it not to be.
Collaring a priest, he rallied his men and charged out the north side
of the battle. He had seen a unique opportunity: Mehmet was
relatively unguarded. Almost all of the troops had been committed to
what appeared to be the crush of the Morean forces. Hunyadi charged
in cleaving a route to the hated Sultan. Full of arrows, Mehmet fell
from his horse. All, but throwing the priest at Mehmet: baptize him,
but hurry about it. Mehmet was too weak to protest, but it shook the
army around him like a hurricane would a palm tree, buffeting it like
a play toy. His most loyal attacked Hunyadi and his guard around the
priest. They were slaughtered to a man: however, the appearance of
baptism and last rights for the Moslem Sultan would be great
propaganda. The army all but disintegrated as Christians – Serbs and
others – turned on the Muslims around them, slaughtering and killing
now free of their oath to Mehmet.
Whole regiments fled. From the jaws of defeat, Constantine had
snatched victory.
Just.
The next 12 years of his reign would determine much about the course
of the Morean Empire (so called by modern scholars even though they
simply called themselves ‘Roman').
Continue?
Will
1. http://groups.google.com/groups?hl=...4d8827d.0204202358.ad202ab@posting.google.com
2. The Balkans since 1453, Stravrianos, LS, ISBN 0-8147-9766-0. I
highly recommend the book. It doesn't pick sides when telling the
story of the peninsula and makes for a very interesting read. I am
looking forward to reading more on the subject because of how well
written this is. I am sure it leaves out a lot – it covers nearly 500
years of history of a very diverse area – but it seems to be at least
a very good starting place.
3. A Short History of Byzantium, Norwich, JJ, ISBN 0-679-45088-3
4. Lords of the Horizons, Goodwin, Jason, ISBN 0-8050-6342-0
