Any impact on Hinduism due to resurgence of Buddhism? I mean bhakti and sufi movements in this proto stage. Will buddha being avatar of Vishnu get greater popularity?

Will we see organized efforts by three branches of Buddhism to convert india? Maybe wholesale assimilation and Fusion due to shared identity? Each incorpating some part of others?

Is there any attempt buy certain bandit monk to consolidate Buddhist nobles of Chagtai Empire to support his missionary activities and use them to suppress muslim nobility?

Will see militant Buddhist brotherhood and sisterhood in india?

P.S. really like to see if certain bandit monk try to use grass root support in india for his missionary activities. I mean Will he accept caste when it is not accepted by buddha?
1. Possibly, but I'm not entirely sure on that part yet.
2. Some might try, but the only organised support comes from external powers like the Tibetans and some Yuan princes. The Sinhala and Burmese might try, but both countries are fairly wartorn and facing a lot major threats themselves.
3. Ryouchuu/Tono no Houin is not a very diplomatic person, plus he's from a recently conquered subject nation. Plus Buddhists are only a minority (mostly ethnic Mongols and Uighurs).
4. I'll have to do something about religious militants within India TTL, since even OTL it wasn't limited to Muslim ghazi and Ryouchuu might be an inspiration for others.
I think it depends on whether the Chagatai convert to Islam. It isn't Buddhism that Hinduism would have to worry about, since it would be unlikely to regain any real prominence despite the Mongol conquest. Rather, it's the Chagatai defeat of the Muslim empires in India that is helping Hinduism thrive. However, if the Chagatai convert, the Hindus would just be back to square one, under threat of Muslim nomadic invaders.
Hinduism definitely has experienced a partial reprieve, but the new group of foreign conquerers can hardly be said to be much better. Incidentally, in my recent reading I noticed there are certain parallels in typical Mongol taxation policy and how Alauddin Khalji managed his own taxation of subjects which would serve to screw over certain groups of Hindu landowners/village heads just as happened with the Khaljis.
Tbh the Hindus are already facing it with the Chagatai force in India being composed of many Central Asian Muslims and as Arkenfolm said remnants of the Delhi Sultanate, the Chagatai Khan right now is also a Muslim iirc.

EDIT: I am actually incorrect on that last bit, only the ilkhan is Muslim right now.
And the Chagatai khan's force also has a lot of the mid-level/low-level Delhi Sultanate personnel who survived (and in pacified areas, their bureaucrats and tax collectors). And an attempted usurper of the Chagatai throne is a Muslim, and seemingly devout at that.
 
Attempted?Guess Taliqu is even less lucky ITTL
It is hard to get elected khan when among the elder sons of the previous khan is a guy who led the troops in conquering the Delhi Sultanate and opened the door to India. A Mongol prince with achievements like that would have a lot of sway at the kurultai. But you'll see what happens.
How is the economic life of India right in this moment?
"Undergoing reconstruction" is a good description. The 13th century was not particularly good for India, and a successful Mongol invasion certainly isn't. But if the Mongols make a stable regime, then odds are very good India will prosper even more than it did OTL at the height of the Delhi Sultanate era (which saw a general economic recovery).
 
Chapter 44-A Usurper of the Middle Horde
-XLIV-
"A Usurper of the Middle Horde"

The last of the caravan guards fell at Shouni Yorikazu's feet, casting his sword aside and begging for mercy in that strange language he spoke, but Yorikazu would give him none.

"You think I'll let someone like you run to the nearest town and get some soldiers to stop me? Hah!" He beheaded the man on the spot and then approached the surviving merchants of the caravan with those soldiers around him.

"Kill them all!" he ordered his men, a motley mix of a few dozen Japanese exiles, some local mercenaries, and those Chinese who followed that strange so-called White Lotus sect. "The wealth is ours now, and we are one step closer to our aims!"

The soldiers cheered and immediately began searching the baggage. This caravan seemed to have everything from gold and silver to beautiful porcelain from China to jars of fragrant incense that now filled the breeze. It was even wealthier than the first three caravans he seized. If I seize a few more cargoes like this, I can return to Japan at the head of an elite host and punish those Miura bastards for what they did to my clan.

His lieutenant, the warrior monk Sasaki Kakudou, finished his prayer for the deceased and approached Yorikazu [1].

"This is the fourth of these merchant convoys we have plundered like this," he pointed out. "Our former commander must be furious."

"Yet that man Orug or whatever his name is does the exact same, because that is his nature as a barbarian," Yorikazu replied.

"But still, we imperil the name of our clans," Kakudou cautioned. "Your elder brother Tsunetane is trying his hardest to show the invader the valour of your clan, and even your cousin Sukekage will find problems from these deeds."

Yorikazu clenched his fist, as if this monk he met on those miserable islands of Oki Province might possibly know the circumstances of the misfortune his family found themselves in. All because father was not decisive like my great-grandfather's brother Kagesuke. All because the Miura were wicked and manipulated the invader into destroying us! But he took a deep breath and tried to persuade him another way.

"Consider that rumour has it that far to the south, a warrior monk and his followers have obtained great riches doing just as we are doing here," Yorikazu said, wiping his bloodied sword on the slain man's white headdress. "Day after day he is killing heretics and the willfully ignorant on the faith and has restored the dharma to the land where Sakyamuni himself was born. Why should we not do the same? We gain both wealth in this world, and wealth in our spirit. Surely that will bring the greatest possible benefit to the Shouni clan, or your own En'ya branch of the Sasaki clan."

"Even centuries ago, the eminent Xuanzang said this land was desolate due to wicked kings," Kakudou countered, looking toward the dusty high mountains. "Those evil rulers who laid waste to Sakyamuni's home grounds emerged from this place. I am perhaps the only monk here."

"Then I as a just ruler upholding the dharma shall crush the evil rulers," Yorikazu replied. Out of the corner of his eye, he noticed a bloodied merchant trying to sneak away. He walked over to the man and beheaded him in one stroke. "And thus we are starting with these men who fund the enemy. If you have no money, you have no rule. Such is why the wicked Houjou clan collapsed in our nation, and I pray such will be why the Miura clan falls as well."

A cloud of dust in the distance signalled a group of horseman approaching. Yorikazu could not tell their banners, but he had a bad feeling of things.

"Spread out, abandon this area for now with our goods! Lay in ambush for these newcomers, and attack them at my signal should matters prove opportune." Yorikazu and his warriors mounted their horses and prepared to flee, but to his surprise he saw the strangest thing among the incoming horsemen--the six diamonds of the Shouni clan. Has my brother realised my methods are superior and come to aid me? He paused for a crucial moment, and then fell to the ground at once as an arrow struck his thigh.

---​

The next few days passed as a blur, for Yorikazu hardly remembered anything. They drugged him with foul substances, they forbade him food and forced him to drink dirty water, and the pain they inflicted on him was too much. Now he sat in a dark dungeon in a foreign land, chained to a post awaiting death. Suddenly he looked up, for there was light in the room.

"I am sorry I had to do such a thing, Yorikazu," his older brother Tsunetane spoke from outside the bars, his tone annoyingly unremorseful. "But you did much wrong. Your actions will lead to our clan's downfall."

"Downfall?" Yorikazu groaned, incredulous his brother attempted such a bad line of reasoning. "We are little better than peasants, living on that rock in the middle of the sea. Our cousin has no land to grant us, for the Miura took nearly everything. Are you going to say the same thing you said a few months ago when we parted ways? 'If we serve the invader with valour and achieve great deeds, we'll get it all back' or something like that?"

"My words were true then and are true now," Tsunetane said. "I'm already the deputy to Lord Aso in his unit, and all I need is another victory or two and I will surely command a thousand men myself."

"Lord Aso!? Lord Aso!? Hah!" Yorikazu could hardly believe those words. "To think the rightful heir of the Shouni clan now serves a Houjou dog like that, a Houjou too inept to even fight until the end like the rest of his accursed clan."

"The Houjou are dead. The Shouni are dead. The Empire is dead. One day the invader's realm shall be dead as well. Everything passes away in the end, just as the eras of the Taira and Fujiwara did centuries before us," Tsunetane answered with a shrug. "You traveled with that monk and claimed to uphold the dharma but did not know that?"

"Don't speak of it like that!" Yorikazu said, suddenly coughing up a storm from the dryness of his throat. "You know exactly what I mean!"

"Unfortunately, I do not. The times have changed, and we now must serve the invader. You have seen as much as I have. He rules the entire Middle Kingdom, and commands everyone from the most remote barbarian nations to even these desert dwellers so far to the west. Why, Lord Orug claims that even after so many months of travel, we have not crossed half of his empire, and that is why his clan calls this country west of China the Middle Mongolian nation. Against him we shall perish just like so many great kingdoms, but with him we shall become rich ourselves until it is his time to fall! [2]"

"Coward! You betray everything the Shouni clan stands for," Yorikazu said.

"I have enough honour in me that I begged them not to execute my younger brother as a rabid dog might die," Tsunetane said. He slid a knife between the bars. "Here, please die with honour as a man of the Shouni clan, much as our father did, and his father before him, and so many others of our clan."

Yorikazu unsheathed the knife, half-tempted to throw it into his brother's face. It seemed like a fine weapon.

"Thank you. May you avenge my death and above all, destroy the Miura." Yorikazu said as he prepared to gut himself with the blade.

"I will do all I can to that aim," Tsunetane replied. "I will gain the wealth of the land Sakyamuni arose from for sake of the Shouni clan. Farewell, brother." The light extinguished in the room and soon the footsteps faded. Yorikazu plunged the knife into himself, his body so frail the pain hardly registered. In this life I failed, but in the next life, well, what then...?

---​

The tremendous success of the Chagatai Khan Duwa in overwhelming the Delhi Sultanate, battering the Lakhnauti Sultanate of Bengal, and smashing many Rajput tribes granted him control over the vast wealth of northern India. His actions expanded the Mongol Empire to its greatest height, and he proudly ruled as the master of the Middle Mongolian ulus at the center of the Mongol Empire. But the coalition behind this conquest lay on fragile ground, navigating ever-shifting alliances with Rajput tribes and Hindu princes, the many Muslim emirs of Central Asia and the former Delhi Sultanate, and armies of pro-Yuan Buddhists. Thus when Duwa suddenly died in 1308, one faction of Chagatai princes under Duwa's second cousin Taliqu contested the right to succeed the khanate with Duwa's son Qutlugh-Khwaja in a civil war typical of the Mongol Empire's khanates.

Duwa's successor Qutlugh-Khwaja was a talented general who proved himself numerous times in the invasion of the Delhi Sultanate. Initially he backed his eldest brother (and Duwa's favourite son) Konchek as heir, hoping to be a kingmaker, but Konchek died not long after the kurultai assembled. Thus with the backing of his prominent brothers Kebek and Esen Buqa (no doubt the foremost of Duwa's sons), the kurultai elected him khan of the Chagatai. Although he held some favouritism to Islam due to his base among the Turko-Mongol Neguderi tribe of Afghanistan, Qutlugh-Khwaja respected traditional Mongol law and with it embraced the usual religious tolerance of the empire [3]. As such, he was the preferred candidate of Buyantu Khan, most Chagatai princes and generals of all faiths, and those Hindus loyal to the Chagatai Khanate.

At the same time, a different kurultai of rival princes elected Taliqu, brother of the former Chagatai khan Buqa Temur. Taliqu was a Muslim who encouraged the Islamicisation of the Chagatai and condemned the idolatry common in the khanate. He commanded many armies full of elite Turkic Muslims horsemen and held the allegiance of the ruler of Delhi Malik Kafur. Several powerful emirs like Ilangir of the Barlas also backed him [4].

Like Ananda in the civil war in China or Kublai Khan's rival Ariq Boke fifty years prior, Taliqu partially represented a faction of traditional Mongols as opposed to the innovative Qutlugh Khwaja who was known to patronise Indian Perso-Islamic culture and was suspected to harbour plans to transform the Chagatai Khanate into a sedentary state much like the Yuan and Ilkhanate. However, Taliqu's Islamic faith dissuaded the most hardline traditionalists who feared he might disrespect the Mongol law entrusted to the House of Chagatai. Thus his coalition was built on shaky ground with even shakier legitimacy.

The war already spread beyond Chagatai borders given the involvement of some of the House of Ogedei--the King of Runing Yangichar and his general Tukme sent Taliqu soldiers and horses while other Ogedeid princes refusied allegiance to Qutlugh-Khwaja. The Ogedeids perhaps viewed the Chagatai Civil War as an attempt to regain their lost power, especially as Taliqu's elder brother Buqa Temur had been a loyal puppet of Kaidu.

Qutlugh Khwaja appealed to Buyantu Khan, who demanded Yangichar cease his hostile actions and restrain his kinsman. But Yangichar refused, so Buyantu ordered a punitive expedition against him. He dispatched those Mongols of his powerful cousin who ruled the Mongol homeland, the 16 year old Jinong Yesun Temur, with 20,000 men led by his loyal general Humegai (旭邁傑) into the Tarim Basin. Qutlugh-Khwaja himself joined this punitive expedition as well and sent his heir Dawud leading 30,000 men into the Tarim Basin in late 1308, likely to check his northeastern flank and obtain horses for his campaign.

Yangichar's general and kinsman Tukme suggested they aid Taliqu first by crushing Dawud's army, but Yangichar did not trust Tukme in the slightest. Instead he ordered Tukme against Yesun Temur's army and hoped to crush it with his numerical advantage. Yesun Temur and Humegai countered through retreating toward the mountains and keeping his army sheltered behind a swift stream. He spread out his archers and poured fire on those who tried fording the stream and eventually shattered Tukme's force with a swift charge.

Yesun Temur's prestige soared with this victory, perhaps to the frustration of Buyantu who sought to diminish his cousin's status and the great autonomy he had been forced to grant him. As for Yangichar, his rebellion faced mutinies and defections from remaining Ogedeid princes (particularly the descendents of Ogedei's youngest son Melik) who had been ambivalent about his decision to aid Taliqu. Thus Yangichar fled his camp with a small retinue. In early 1309, the two princes fought a last ditch resistance against Yesun Temur, where Tukme fell mortally wounded.

Yangichar himself managed to escape and hoped to flee to Jochid territory, but he was betrayed to Yesun Temur by Torchan, Melik's fourth son. Because of his late surrender and Buyantu's distaste toward the Ogedeids, the Great Khan rewarded Torchan with land and households in distant Japan, a defacto sentence of exile. Torchan integrated into Japanese politics by marrying the daughter of Senior Councillor Matsudono Michisuke (松殿通輔), son of retired regent Matsudono Kanetsugu (松殿兼嗣) and soon took a high place in local Mongol governance.

Buyantu proved magnanimous in victory and divided the former Ogedeid territory with the Chagatai. He insisted on rewarding those Ogedeids loyal to the Yuan and punishing the remaining descendants of Kaidu. They paid a harsh penalty to the Yuan and lost much in the way of servants, livestock, and territory. Their title of King of Runing and headship of the Kaidu family was placed in the hands of the boy Qulutai (忽剌台), Chapar's grandson. Buyantu granted some of this wealth to the descendants of Koden, Ogedei's second son who had long served the Yuan in the Hexi Corridor and Shaanxi--this land he directly annexed. But the bulk of it was given to Tuman (禿満), Melik's heir, who in effect became head of the House of Ogedei with the title King of Yangdi (陽翟王).

The defeat of Yangichar marked the final attempt by the House of Ogedei to assert an independent policy. Kaidu's surviving descendants lay scattered, their power broken, and their strength thoroughly subjugated to the will of the Chagatai and Yuan. They barely even held power in their own lands, ruling now only as local appointees by the Yuan and Chagatai governments. For the immediate time being, the forces within Ogedeid lands now mustered in support of Qutlugh Khwaja in hopes of restoring their wealth and prestige by helping the new Chagatai khan crush his rival.

Conflict in India

Qutlugh-Khwaja ordered Kebek to subdue Taliqu's rebels in India. After he heard that Malik Kafur joined Taliqu, Kebek summoned the chief general Diler Khan to his camp along with many chief Delhi Sultanate emirs in Dipalpur in July 1308. After a celebration in the name of Qutlugh Khwaja, Kebek attempted an assassination on the general in tandem with his soldiers seizing the weapons and horses of the former Delhi Sultanate's soldiers. But Diler Khan saw through this trap and ordered his soldiers to forgo sleep that night. Regardless, thousands of Diler Khan's man died aiding his escape.

Diler Khan and his survivors joined Taliqu after this conspiracy. This left Kebek with only a small Turko-Mongol force and a vast number of Hindu soldiers. After several inconclusive skirmishes in which Kebek took heavy losses among his Hindu infantry, defections and desertions occurred at an alarming rate.

Taliqu understood India as a natural place of support thanks to the many Turkic Muslim emirs. He raised great funds by his enthusiastic reintroduction of the jizya tax on non-Muslims, a practice suspended by the Chagatai in favour of traditional Mongol taxation. After the collapse of Ogedeid support and several defeats elsewhere in Central Asia, Taliqu rallied 40,000 followers and invaded Punjab and Sindh, driving away Kebek's numerically superior army. So strong was Taliqu's force that the Kartid prince Alauddin ibn Ruknuddin began a revolt against his brother Ghiyas-uddin ibn Ruknuddin (Emir of Herat) who served the Ilkhanate with the hopes Taliqu might join him.

However, Taliqu knew not to provoke the Ilkhan Oljaitu, who had hitherto remained neutral in the conflict thanks to his own Muslim faith and the need to fight the Crusaders and rebel Anatolian beys. Alauddin received little aid and his revolt was soon crushed by the Kartid emir. Alauddin himself tried fleeing to Taliqu's camp, but Qutlugh Khwaja's loyal Neguderi tribes intercepted the would-be emir. Qutlugh Khwaja sent his head to the Ilkhan Oljeitu as a show of good faith.

Delhi remained among the few pro-Qutlugh Khwaja areas in India, thanks to its mayor Haji Maula. He detested Malik Kafur and other former Delhi Sultanate nobles who had returned to grace after ending the Khaljis in 1306 and believed they threatened his power, so he emptied the prisons in Delhi and stole money from the treasury to bribe a mob that drove out Taliqu's supporters from the city. Haji Maula subsequently summoned the few remaining supporters of the pre-Khalji Delhi Sultanate and ensured they remained loyal to Qutlugh Khwaja.

Naturally, Delhi was placed under siege by the end of 1308 by Malik Kafur, but Haji Maula sustained the city for months and months. An outbreak of plague in the summer of 1309 killed many in Delhi, including two of Haji Maula's wives and many of his children, but also crippled Malik Kafur's army in the process. Haji Maula sustained morale by producing charged religious propaganda, preaching to Hindus the extremism of Taliqu's men and to Muslims their hypocrisy and rampant violations of the Sharia.

Malik Kafur's army began disintegrating after a failed assault on the Siri Fort in summer 1309. Soon after, Qutlugh Khwaja himself marched south with an army of 30,000 men and drove out Taliqu's men from the Punjab and Sindh. He arrived in India and linked with Kebek's army. They began attacking Taliqu's forts and hindering his supply lines.

Among Malik Kafur's soldiers were many men from the Karnat kingdom of Mithila, which had nominally pledged allegiance to Taliqu, despite being Hindus who disliked both. One of their generals, the wise scholar Chandeshvara, sent assassins to kill Malik Kafur. They succeeded only at wounding him, but he was incapacitated for weeks in the aftermath. In this time he revolted with 20,000 Hindu soldiers and seized most of the supplies. Then he marched south to Ranthambore and joined forces with Hammiradeva of Ranthambore, enlarging his army with thousands of Hindus who defected from Qutlugh Khwaja's army.

The arrival of Taliqu himself with tens of thousands of reinforcements kept pressure on Delhi, but Taliqu refused to assault the city for Qutlugh Khwaja and Kebek were fast upon him. Taliqu struck first and attacked them at Samana, around a week's march from Delhi. The two princes grouped their infantry tightly to best repel enemy cavalry, who struck at them hard. Diler Khan excelled in this battle and broke Qutlugh Khwaja's formation. The Neguderi cavalry countered him, plugging gaps in the lines of Qutlugh Khwaja's army as he gradually retreated from the battlefield. His losses were heavy, for almost 20,000 warriors died or defected at the cost of perhaps 5,000 of Taliqu's warriors.

Even so, Taliqu believed Kebek still had a number of armies available to him and made his immediate priority finishing capturing Delhi and crushing the remaining loyalists in India who concentrated themselves in Magadha. He shored up his loyalty among Muslims by looting Hindu shrines and extorting local Hindu merchants and village headmen for supplies and goods. This provoked an invasion by Hammiradeva, who gave Chandeshvara 20,000 men to harass Taliqu's men and link forces with his own king Harisimhadeva. Harisimhadeva himself led tens of thousands of men against Taliqu in allegiance with the Ujjainiya Rajput prince Ganesh. It was clear from their actions against Mongol garrisons that neither Ramthambore nor the Karnats held any loyalty to either Mongol prince contending for the throne--they sought independence and expulsion of the Mongols from India.

These battles permitted Qutlugh Khwaja and Kebek to successfully reorganise their forces and crush Malik Kafur's depleted army on March 2, 1310, thus relieving the siege of Delhi. Conditions in the city were appalling--almost half the population perished from starvation and epidemic, including many of the remaining cultural elite such as the Sufi saint Nizamuddin Auliya who died the day after the siege ended. The historian Ziauddin Barani wrote decades later "Muslims who claimed themselves devout partook of pork in those terrible days much as even the Hindu partook of beef." Yet the city held, and Haji Maula found himself promoted to emir of Delhi and defacto governor of much of northwest India.

Against the advice of some of his followers such as his half-brother Esen Buqa, Qutlugh Khwaja called upon the Yuan Dynasty for aid against the rebels. Buyantu Khan readily agreed, knowing supporters of Ananda hid out among Taliqu's allies and seeing it as a way to secure peace on the frontier.

Buyantu also held ulterior motives, as this would make the Chagatai reliant on him. Further, he could dispose of potentially disloyal elements of his military and society. He sent 10,000 warriors under Chagatai prince Orug son of Ajiki and recalled the Toluid princes Ulus-buqa son of Shiregi and Oljai from Japan. The latter brought with them around 5,000 warriors from the Kingdom of Japan, mostly those of dubious loyalty involved in the Koukei Rebellion or people such as Houjou clan scion Aso Yukitoki. The latter was the primary commander of the Japanese (and only one holding the rank of mingghan), with his chief lieutenant none other than the young Shouni Tsunetane, grandsons of Shouni Kagesuke.

Additionally, Buyantu enlisted an unusual source for aid--the Buddhist radicals of the White Lotus Society. This movement had often been involved in backing anti-Mongol rebellions, and in the chaos of Ananda's usurpation had risen up in several places. While by this time Buyantu crushed these rebels and executed their leadership, those involved received the relatively mild punishment of fines and fifty strokes with the cane. Buyantu took the additional step of dispersing them and their households, but gave them a surprising choice--the White Lotus members could either settle in the desolate, inhospitable jungles the Yuan ordered them or alternatively relocate to India. With Yuan propaganda fanning the flames among Buddhists about desecration of temples and sacred relics, exile in India proved a compelling choice for thousands of ex-rebels, among them the notable leader Zhao Chaosi (趙丑廝) and the monk Yuanming (圓明) who rose as leaders in that community.

Beginning in 1310, this marked the largest wave of pilgrims in many centuries to travel the ancient China-India route once plied by famous monks like Xuanzang (玄奘). Perhaps 20,000 warriors left Yuan territory, and with them tens of thousands of other households. By this means, Buyantu aided his Chagatai vassal at little cost to himself while seemingly removing many dangerous subversives. This army subdued rebels in Central Asia, but also caused much problems due to their attacks on Muslims and Christians and frequent desertions. Among those punished for this behavior includes Shouni Yorikazu, beheaded on the orders of Orug in December 1310 for leading raids on caravans in the name of raising funds to restore his family's status.

Taliqu's fortunes waned in 1310 as the Hindu princes continued attacking him in full. Ganesh of the Ujjainiya, the Karnats, and others continued raiding Mongol territory in tandem with King Mahalakadeva Paramara of Malwa. The latter in particular seems to have been desperate to attack by the speed of his advance, no doubt seeking to overcome his chief rival Hammiradeva. In Central Asia, Qutlugh Khwaja's son Dawud and brother Esen Buqa routed Taliqu's forces in tandem with the arrival of the 30,000-strong army from the Yuan.

Not all went well for the Hindus. While Buddhasena II suffered many attacks on his territory from the Karnats, the Karnats themselves faced challenges from the Tibetans. Zangpo Pal and 6,000 Tibetans remained guarding Magadha's Buddhist sites alongside the 600 Japanese warrior monks of Tono no Houin. In November 1310, this force raided deep into Karnat territory where Tono no Houin despoiled several Hindu temples. Tono no Houin captured hundreds of brahmins, torturing them and forcing them into apostasy, and further pledged to kill a brahmin every single day until the Karnat king surrendered. A brahmin priest at Harisimhadeva's court named Kameshvara Thakkura begged his king to surrender, but the Karnat ruler proved indecisive and Kameshvara's rivals chased him from the court and forced him to flee to Mongol territory.

During this time, Qutlugh Khwaja and Kebek remained in their forts and harassed Taliqu's supply lines. Initially Taliqu proved successful at facing the Hindu armies--he fought off Ganesh's first incursion in the east before attacking the Paramara army of 50,000 men in full at Dasapura [5]. Although Taliqu's army was smaller, the Paramara force was exhausted from constant marching and had far fewer cavalry [6]. Cohesion with Chandeshvara's troops proved difficult as well. As a result, Taliqu's army divided the Paramara force and routed them, killing Mahalakadeva's chief minister alongside many prominent Paramara nobles. Throughout 1310 and into 1311, Taliqu's men scourged the Malwa as far south as the Paramara capital at Mandu.

Arguments over distributing the plunder from the great victory over the Paramaras broke out not long afterwards. Taliqu rewarded his Mongol officers above those ex-Delhi Sultanate men such as Malik Kafur and Diler Khan, and Taliqu turned to customary Mongol law instead of the Sharia as his guide to partitioning the wealth. On the night of May 13, 1311, a drunk Mongol soldier murdered Malik Kafur after an argument which spurred his lieutenant Diler Khan to raise his forces against Taliqu. They charged Taliqu's camp, where a young Muslim soldier named Zafar slew the rebel prince with an arrow as he exited his tent.

Diler Khan and his ex-Delhi Sultanate men fled south and invaded the Paramara realm to seek out a new homeland--around 10,000 men followed him. A few Mongols followed them as well, such as Ilangir of the Barlas and Taliqu's devout Muslim cousins Ali and Zulkarnain who had disagreed their cousin's use of traditional Mongol law in that fateful dispute. They saw no future within the Chagatai Khanate and at the advice of a Sufi scholar they patronised pledged allegiance to Diler Khan.

The rebellion faltered with Taliqu's death. Taliqu's eldest son Temur attempted to continue the fight, but he was an incapable leader and was opposed by his uncle, cousins, and even his youngest brother Tumen. Thousands of them fled Temur's camp, with many Muslim soldiers among them joining Diler Khan in his invasion of Malwa. Temur himself struck toward Delhi and met Qutlugh Khwaja on a prearranged battlefield at Anangpur not far from the city in June 1311. There he sent his younger brother Uludai to demand a duel between the leaders, but Qutlugh Khwaja ordered Uludai trampled with horses and immediately attacked. Temur was so heavily outnumbered and surprised by the sudden attack that his army melted away and he was subsequently captured by his uncle Buka who turned the prince over to Qutlugh Khwaja for execution.

Such ended the rebellion of Taliqu and Temur. Qutlugh Khwaja stripped of ranks, titles, and privileges those who surrendered after the battle at Anangpur and deported them to posts in remote frontiers. Among bordering realms who harboured rebels, Qutlugh Khwaja showed little mercy--in October 1311, he sent his son Dawud to invade Gujarat. Gujarati sultan Kamal al-Din immediately ordered the beheading of thousands of Mongol rebels who had fled to his realm and confiscated their property--along with a tax on Hindus, this helped pay off the Chagatai soldiers from looting his realm.

Qutlugh Khwaja thus secured his power over Central Asia and northern India and immediately rewarded his followers. Because many of his enemies and their kin were Muslims, this led to them being sidelined for advancement. While Muslim emirs and Muslim civil officials like Haji Maula participated on Qutlugh Khwaja's side and were richly rewarded for their success, and Qutlugh Khwaja remained an active patron of Sufi mystics and Islamic scholars (among others), it was clear that for the first time in many centuries, Central Asia and India were being dominated by non-Muslims. At the same time, Taliqu's revolt led to a strengthening of Islam along the northeastern coast of India due to exiles and emigres.

The Chagatai Khanate inherited a terrible situation in India, for the Hindu princes continued their war against them regardless of the winner of the civil war. The Karnats, Ujjainiyas, Chandelas, and many other Rajput tribes sought to expel the Chagatai from India in their moment of weakness. Govinda of the Gour Kingdom even sent raids that crossed Bengal and struck as far as Magadha to steal Mongol horses for his army and defend brahmins against the foreign invaders. In the south, Hammiradeva marshalled his army for a decisive confrontation with the Mongols. So many enemies assembled against him that Qutlugh Khwaja could take comfort only in their relative disunity.

---
Author's notes

The follow-up chapter to my previous entry on India, covering the Chagatai civil war between Taliqu and Qutlugh Khwaja. It's a bit of an odd Mongol civil war, since neither candidate can truly be called the "steppe" candidate versus the "settled" candidate (as was the case in many Yuan and Ilkhanate and even Chagatai conflicts). But the impact of it is going to be important in the long-term in terms of India and Central Asia's development. The Chagatai Khanate needed victories and more good rulers, and Qutlugh Khwaja may have been a reasonable choice.

I feel the cooperation between the khanates was plausible, since the Yuan want to have leverage over the rest of the Mongol Empire and in particular don't want a hostile ruler on their frontier. And it gave a good chance to show just what the re-opening of the Buddhist pilgrimage routes to India might have accomplished (plus removes a lot of irksome people from both China i.e. White Lotus followers and Japan i.e. a few members of the Shouni clan and others subdued by the Miura).

I may or may not do another India entry after this, but very soon I will do one covering Yuan China and then return to Japan. There is also a map in the works regarding the Chagatai Khanate and India. As always, thanks for reading.

[1] - His real name is intended to be Sasaki (or En'ya) Hidetoki (塩冶秀時), an OTL son of En'ya Yoriyasu (塩冶頼泰) who I thought had appeared early ITTL but may have omitted him for time constraints. He was linked with Izumo Province and thus would have suffered greatly with the Mongol conquest.
[2] - The Chagatai Khanate (and the House of Ogedei) at times called themselves the "Middle Mongolian Ulus", both for their location in the center of the Mongol Empire and as a reference to the "Middle Kingdom", essentially a way of asserting equality or supremacy to the Toluid Yuan Dynasty.
[3] - Duwa had many sons, several of whom IOTL became khans themselves. The foremost among them was probably Kebek who seemed to prefer the role of kingmaker to ruling himself. Qutlugh Khwaja would probably have been a major candidate for khan OTL had he not died of wounds received in battles against the Delhi Sultanate. I cannot find his religion, although his title "Khwaja" and name of his son Dawud might indicate some affinity with Islam, particularly Sufism (although it could also be the literally meaning of "lord" since he ruled over many Turks and Mongols settled in modern Afghanistan).
[4] - Great-grandfather of the infamous Timur, and thus also an ancestor of the Mughals. Ilangir was certainly head of the Barlas in this era, a vassal of the Chagatai, and likely held the title of emir and was entitled to lead at least 1,000 troops.
[5] - Dasapura is the old name for Mandsaur, Madhya Pradesh, India
[6] - In general, Indian armies tended to be deficient in cavalry and reliant on imported horses from Arabia, Persia, or Afghanistan (despite some notable exceptions among the Rajputs). Although their cavalry might be skilled thanks to the tradition of the Rajputs, this deficiency in cavalry would often be a decisive factor in the rise and fall of empires in the subcontinent.
 
Given the situation created TTL with Northern India being ruled by Non Muslim along with the seeming loss of a bigger part of the former Muslim ruling/functionarial and cultural elite so as well as from the sociopolitical preeminence that enjoyed their along with the influx of so many thousands fervent Chinese and Japanese Buddhists. So, I'd assume that at very least it would make possible its reintroduction and even, perhaps, as a minority, TTL survival of the Buddhism on its homeland.
Also, I'm wondering what, if any, would be the effects over the TTL Mongols/Yuan rule in their subject peoples' languages and particularly over the KoJ Japanese and lesser degree (mostly vocabulary, loan words?) in Northern India regional languages...
 
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Despite the failure of pro Muslim candidate, islam will still be a significant force in North india with Qutlugh's continued patronisation of sufi mystics.

But I think Qutlugh needs to focus more on hindu rulers as they have proven unreliable allies for most of the times.
Taliqu rewarded his Mongol officers above those ex-Delhi Sultanate men such as Malik Kafur and Diler Khan, and Taliqu turned to customary Mongol law instead of the Sharia as his guide to partitioning the wealth
I'm hundred percent sure he was half drunk at that time to do such a thing, he's really a hypocrite.
Like, what are you even fighting against dude?? Jizya rocks because it fills your coffers?

on the topic of buddhist zealots in India, this will be bad for Buddhism in the long run as their survival hangs by the thread of Chagtai-Yuan alliance. If things go south then I see Chagtais or the new muslim power in magadha to destroy these isolationist raider monks.
 
How much of area under muslim Control?
Within the Indian subcontinent? Pretty much just Sindh, most of modern West Bengal/parts of Bangladesh, about half of modern Gujarat, and Malwa is battling an invasion by officers from Taliqu's army under Diler Khan. Individual Mongol princes who are Muslim might have appanages in India though.
Given the situation created TTL with Northern India being ruled by Non Muslim along with the seeming loss of a bigger part of the former Muslim ruling/functionarial and cultural elite so as well as from the sociopolitical preeminence that enjoyed their along with the influx of so many thousands fervent Chinese and Japanese Buddhists. So, I'd assume that at very least it would make possible its reintroduction and even, perhaps, as a minority, TTL survival of the Buddhism on its homeland.
It's fairly interesting how late Buddhism persisted in a few small areas, so what you're saying is a distinct possibility. And unlike OTL, China and northern India are theoretically subject to the same ruler, so cultural and economic contact is easier and missions to patronise Buddhist sites are more possible.
Also, I'm wondering what, if any, would be the effects over the TTL Mongols/Yuan rule in their subject peoples' languages and particularly over the KoJ Japanese and lesser degree (mostly vocabulary, loan words?) in Northern India regional languages...
I did mention earlier with Japanese that there would be an upswing in pronouncing words of Chinese origin with tou'on readings (which is based on 13th century Chinese) instead of other Sinic pronunciations which are based on much older forms of Chinese. And probably certain other words related to Mongol technology and practices, or even related to animals they bring like goats and sheep. Some might be used in all Japanese dialects TTL, others might be restricted to regional or local dialects.

I think Northern India would probably be as OTL since it was pretty heavily influenced by Turko-Persian culture as it was, and that's more or less the sort of culture the Chagatai promote.
Despite the failure of pro Muslim candidate, islam will still be a significant force in North india with Qutlugh's continued patronisation of sufi mystics.

But I think Qutlugh needs to focus more on hindu rulers as they have proven unreliable allies for most of the times.
Certainly going to be the case in both instances.
I'm hundred percent sure he was half drunk at that time to do such a thing, he's really a hypocrite.
Like, what are you even fighting against dude?? Jizya rocks because it fills your coffers?
Taliqu had the unenviable position of trying to appeal to both arch-traditionalists and Muslims. The former faction of course includes his kinsmen who are the highest of nobility, and it's understandable he might want to reward their support and appeal to their sensibilities by distributing plunder the Mongol way rather than the Muslim way.
on the topic of buddhist zealots in India, this will be bad for Buddhism in the long run as their survival hangs by the thread of Chagtai-Yuan alliance. If things go south then I see Chagtais or the new muslim power in magadha to destroy these isolationist raider monks.
The Pithipatis have seriously buffed themselves as well since they are no longer just local rulers of Bodh Gaya who claim themselves kings of Magadha, but in truth the actual Mongol-appointed rulers of Magadha. And as I mentioned, Tibet has its own factions who aren't all pro-Yuan. The raider monks and zealot laymen are simply one prominent force representing Buddhism, and one perhaps best-suited for violent times and an era of conquest.
 
@Arkenfolm With constant attacks by Buddhists I thought Muslim power in bengal greatly reduced? Is it incorrect?

Does Influx of Buddhists from outside of India stopped after Yuan Khan exiled his disruptive elements or it just accelerated the migration far greater scale?

How Various Buddhist sects reacting after arriving in india? Is there any synthesis between three sects of Buddhism due to proximity and shared bond forged due to war?

Are there Buddhist nobility in Chagtai court tried to consolidate their power due to reversal of Muslim ascendancy?

Are there any hindu nobles or local population converting to Buddhism? Maybe North East India?

Will we see Intellectual centres of Buddhism restored to reformulate theological foundation and missionary activities far greater scale?

Is there a reason why current chagtai ruler still supporting Muslim sufis? I mean I can understand he do not like to overly support Buddhists due to Yuan but just recently he faced Muslim rebellion. So he should try to get support from Hindus or double down on his credentials as protector of Mongol law aka religious tolerance? I thought he is a political animal rather than religious fundamentalist or at least more Pragmatic regarding religion.
 
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@Arkenfolm With constant attacks by Buddhists I thought Muslim power in bengal greatly reduced? Is it incorrect?
No, the Chagatai Khanate has needed to consolidate its gains, so the Magadha/Mithila region is still very much a frontier. The latter (under the Karnat dynasty) is actually more of a threat to Mongol rulee than the Lakhnauti Sultanate in Bengal since Bengal is too busy dealing with its own internal issues after the defeat at Garhpar in early 1308 plus has to deal with Govinda of the Gour Kingdom in the Sylhet.
Does Influx of Buddhists from outside of India stopped after Yuan Khan exiled his disruptive elements or it just accelerated the migration far greater scale?
In general migration would be transient and be more akin to lengthy pilgramages than permanent migration, as much as the Yuan wish they could dump thousands and thousands of miscreants from Japan and China half a world away. That's just the reality of an internal border in a giant world-spanning medieval empire. What it does do is re-open pilgramage routes like the route Xuanzang traveled, and to my knowledge like no empire in history had done. Only the Kushans and Ghurids even come close to the Central Asian empire the Chagatai assembled, and the latter was ephemeral and destructive.
How Various Buddhist sects reacting after arriving in india? Is there any synthesis between three sects of Buddhism due to proximity and shared bond forged due to war?
The East Asian Buddhists most know of India from Xuanzang who had a lot to complain about "Hinayana" schools (i.e. Theravada). They would not be regarded well, but regarded as better than Hindus or Muslims because their beliefs are less offensive and because they're active maintainers of India's Buddhist sites. Even the Sinhalese, embattled as they were in this era, were still interested in affairs in north India, and the same goes with the Burmese where even in the height of the post-Pagan civil wars there were missions to Bodh Gaya and even a restoration of it (I alluded to that in my entry, but that's actually OTL and is the only reason we even know about that Buddhasena II of the Bodh Gaya Pithipatis I keep mentioning). To my knowledge, most Buddhists in India living in the final decline of the faith were Mahayana or Vajrayana.
Are there Buddhist nobility in Chagtai court tried to consolidate their power due to reversal of Muslim ascendancy?
No. Buddhism is a minority and plenty of Muslims sided with Qutlugh Khwaja.
Are there any hindu nobles or local population converting to Buddhism? Maybe North East India?
It would be most likely in northeast India because that's where the Buddhist sites are concentrated and the local Mongol vassal (Pithipati dynasty) is actively involved in propagating Buddhism.
Will we see Intellectual centres of Buddhism restored to reformulate theological foundation and missionary activities far greater scale?
I haven't yet decided, but there will definitely be many theological assaults on the two major enemies of Buddhism in India--those who claim Gautama Buddha as an avatar of Vishnu and the Shaivites.
Is there a reason why current chagtai ruler still supporting Muslim sufis? I mean I can understand he do not like to overly support Buddhists due to Yuan but just recently he faced Muslim rebellion. So he should try to get support from Hindus or double down on his credentials as protector of Mongol law aka religious tolerance? I thought he is a political animal rather than religious fundamentalist or at least more Pragmatic regarding religion.
Because half of Qutlugh Khwaja's realm is Muslim and Hindu states tend to see him as just another invader. This includes Muslim princes and nobles who remained loyal (including some Delhi Sultanate remnants) and Muslim emirs and tribesmen who provide a lot of officers and troops to his force. And Hindus are still quite foreign to the Mongols. That said, he does promote religious tolerance, even if there's still ample violations on the frontier of the Mongol realm in the context of warfare.
Great chapter. Will Buddhism survive in Northern India?
It's more probable than OTL at this point.
 
Nice chapter, I do wonder if the news about Buddhist sites in India will spread to other Buddhist populations in East and Southeast Asia who are not under Mongol overlordship and maybe even their enemies like the Kamakura Shogunate, Dai Viet, etc... and what is their reaction.
 
Chapter 45-A Wisest of Great Khans New
-XLV-
"A Wisest of Great Khans"

In 1307, Ayurbarwada seized the throne of the Mongol Empire from his Muslim kinsman Ananda after a brief but chaotic civil war and became Buyantu Khan. He was 22 years old and spent his life up to that point educated in Confucianism and Chinese history by several of the most eminent scholars of his era. Although he rose to power through violence, Buyantu desired a peaceful and orderly reign where he might re-establish the Mongol Empire along Confucian lines. He was a wise and cultured emperor, but Buyantu would face many challenges in his rule as emperor.

Buyantu greatly rewarded those men who helped him come to power. Buyantu's key aide within the government Harghasun became Chancellor. Hong Jung-gyeon and Hong Jung-hui were each named dukes and awarded additional land in Liaoyang, a rewarded also granted posthumously to the deceased Li Ting and inherited by his sons. Burilgitei received the title Prince of Henan. His former subordinate Gao Xing replaced the eminent descendant of Subotai as Marshal of Zhengdong.

Along with this Buyantu punished those foremost generals of Ananda. Ala-ud-Din and Alawars faced capital punishment, while as for Hasan he was banished to the frontier. Hasan defected to the Chagatai Khanate shortly afterwards and joined Taliqu's rebellion, but after a dispute with the Ogedeid rebel Yangichar he pledged loyalty to Qutlugh Khwaja and became a commander in northern India. Among non-Muslims, the Bayad tribe who had many Ananda loyalists among them suffered heavily, losing some of their lands and their nobles suffering exile to remote and distasteful postings. Such actions solified Buyantu's power and control over the military, albeit at the cost of crippling the once-grand Yuan siege corps due to the number of officers killed or purged from those units.

Buyantu also turned his ire toward the special possessions of Borjigin princes. His belief in Confucian governance and desire to properly Sinicise the Yuan administration led him to seek the diminishment of these territories. Ananda's large fief totally reverted to Buyantu due to extinction of his family. Those belonging to the families of Ejil and Babusha he likewise greatly reduced in size due to their rebellion. Administratively, he attempted to eliminate the separate judicial system in these regions was eliminated as both part of his centralisation agenda and his attempts to reduce the number of government bureaucrats to smooth administration. He forbade the Borjigin princes a number of different actions against the people and nobles of their territory.

The appanages owned by the House of Chagatai posed a special problem. The Yuan sent no payments of income from this land since the 1270s due to the Chagatai alliance with the rebel Kaidu, but the renewal of relations and fall of Ogedeid power reopened Chagatai demands for this income. The Yuan court could scarcely part with this income due to their financial situation, forcing Buyantu to innovate regarding the solution. In 1309, he dissolved the parallel structures of administration on these appanages and sent a year's worth of income to the ruling Chagatai khan Qutlugh Khwaja on the condition he help rebuild Buddhist institutions such as Nalanda and would not protest the harmonisation of governance on his appanages. Such conditions would apply every subsequent year if the Chagatai khan wished to receive the income. Qutlugh Khwaja reluctantly accepted these terms, but it's notable that pro-Yuan princes (especially from the Yuan's House of Tolui) tended to be snubbed in land grants within Mongol India.

In governance, Buyantu focused heavily on Confucian governance. He ordered a team of legal scholars to establish a standard legal code for the Yuan to replace provisional codes issued by Temur Khan, a vast undertaking that would take over a decade to collect and edit the codes to be in line with the Emperor's wishes and with Mongol traditional law. This marked a change from the prior flexibility of Mongol policy in favour of Chinese-style governance, enunciated by words from the preface noting that the court "establishes administration in accordance with the times." [1]

Even more notably and within a month of seizing power ordered the resumption of China's imperial examinations. Under the Yuan dynasty, no imperial exams occurred and bureaucrats tended to be selected based on their ethnic and tribal origins and posts were hereditary. Buyantu restored the examination in stages with some compromise such as reserving many seats for Mongols and Central Asians, making exams for Han subjects more challenging, and granting hereditary bureaucrats higher ranking degrees. Unlike prior imperial exams, Yuan dynasty exams were rooted wholly in the neo-Confucianism of 12th century scholar Zhu Xi (朱熹). Despite all this, the system was readily accepted by the Han majority of Yuan and opened many new paths for them.

The Emperor's interest in Confucianism extended to the entirety of the Mongol Empire. Buyantu selected a number of foundational Confucian texts such as the Classic of History, Biographies of Exemplary Women, and Classic of Filial Piety, along with other texts such as those regarding the great emperor of the past Taizong of Tang, and Song dynasty historian Sima Guang's (司馬光) Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance--these he ordered them translated into Mongolian alongside the official agricultural manual of the Yuan dynasty commissioned by Kublai Khan, Essentials of Agriculture and Sericulture. These texts were intended for reading by the wide number of Mongol bureaucrats in the Yuan state to promote proper Confucian morality and develop the empire.

Already well-known in Korea, in Japan these texts would carry a renewed importance due to being issued throughout the provinces where they were read by darughachi and in their original Chinese by educated bureaucrats. This added a greater Confucian influence to the Kingdom of Japan and helped revive classical Chinese learning there. Additionally, Essentials of Agriculture and Sericulture became the first agriculture manual widely distributed in Japan and would help improve local productivity [2].

Some copies traveled even further to other parts of the Mongol Empire, largely thanks to the diplomat and bureaucrat Bolad (孛羅). A long-time representative of the Yuan in the Ilkhanate and well-acquainted with their court, Bolad's knowledge and patronage served as a cultural bridge between China and the Middle East. With the aid of Oljeitu Khan and his vizier Rashid al-Din Hamadani, Bolad helped distribute these texts throughout the Middle East. This influence also reached pro-Yuan princes within the Chagatai Khanate who sought to govern the sedentary lands of India and even reached the Jochid realm where the prince Elbasar, eldest son of the khan Toqta, was surrounded by emissaries from the Yuan who instructed him using these texts [3].

Mongolia itself, or Lingbei (嶺北) as it was officially called, resisted Buyantu's Sinicisation policy. Thanks to the influence of its governor, the Jinong Yesun Temur, Mongolia remained largely self-governing. Few bureaucrats were named to Lingbei without express approval of Yesun Temur and his powerful allies. Lingbei itself absorbed many resources from the central government in terms of maintenance and public works. He restored many temples in Karakorum and renovated the city to a degree of glory and prestige it had not seen in the nearly fifty years after it ceased being the capital of the Mongol Empire. Yesun Temur lavished the great fortress city of Zhenhai (also called by its Mongolian name Chinqai Balgasun) in the southwest of Mongolia [4] with a new temple along with a new layout for the city. It became a crucial border city for both military and commerce and ranked among the great cities of Central Asia. All of this ensured Yesun Temur great popularity in the Mongol homeland.

Factionalism in Buyantu Khan's Court

Two powerful factions formed in Buyantu's rule. One centered around his mother, Empress Dowager Dagi and was called the Khongirad faction for the powerful tribe Dagi belonged to. The other centered around the supporters of Khayishan. Between them were the Emperor's favourite ministers, all Confucians who centered around the talented scholar Li Meng (李孟) who served as a government affairs manager (平章政事) of the Central Secretariat. The factions worked together at first, repairing China from the damage caused by the war. Li Meng's suggestions to reduce superfluous officials and guards and stabilise rewards to strong leaders as they were under early khans (instead of the large grants issued by Temur) were begrudgingly accepted in this situation. Chancellor Harghasun additionally focused on improving the canals and roads in both Mongolia and Liaoyang, the former to reward Yesun Timur and his men and the latter to reward other Mongol princes and the Hong brothers.

Conflict arose in January 1309 when Harghasun died. The Emperor named Asha Buqa chancellor, but Asha Buqa himself lived only a few months before he died. Conflict broke out in the palace between the factions, as the empress dowager exercised her political strength and ensured her favourite minister Temuder (鉄木迭児) became chancellor instead. While Temuder was a staunch Buddhist and lifted many of the restrictions on Buddhist monks and lamas, he continued the centralisation policy of Li Meng and his Confucians. Among his actions were the banishment of several Borjigin princes to Japan, Hainan, and Liuqiu (Formosa) for plotting to assassinate the Emperor and confiscation of much of their property.

The financial situation of the Yuan remained poor, so Temuder cancelled the public works projects and increased the number of government monopolies leading to hardships among small-scale merchants. He continued Buyantu's policy of reducing government expenditures by trimming the bloated civil service and removed many excess positions from all levels of Yuan government. In general, taxes greatly rose under Temuder. The policies of the government eased inflation but caused much discontent, made all the worse by Temuder's blatantly corrupt behavior and unjust favouritism of his sons.

A plot to assassinate Temuder formed in late 1310. The powerful minister Sanbaonu (三寶奴), defacto head of the Khayishan faction at court, recruited bandits to assassinate Temuder as he traveled between Shangdu and Dadu. Also involved in the plot was the minister Qabultu (哈八児禿), the general Chonghur (responsible for Temuder's escort), and Harghasun's son Toghon (脫歡) who had just begun his career in the government.

Fortunately for Temuder, Toghon was convinced the scheme did not benefit him and swayed Chonghur to his side and the two foiled the scheme. Temuder rewarded Chonghur and ordered the execution of the unlucky Qabultu and Sanbaonu. Toghon however remained under suspicion due to his father's position, so Temuder banished him to Jiangzhe in the southeast where he gained a reputation for talent and fairness in administration. Temuder solidified his grip on the government through exiling and demoting other suspects and their relatives regardless of their actions in the plot, ending the Khayishan's faction influence within the court.

The fall of the Khayishan faction seems to have been due to their own internal squabbles. They lacked many concrete ideas for governance and were united around little more than their staunch Buddhist beliefs and personal loyalty to the deceased prince. Although Buyantu did not wish for his mother Dagi and the minister he disliked to control the government, the Khayishan faction posed a far greater risk should they engage in reckless spending or aim to launch costly foreign wars as they often proposed. The assassination plot thus served as a test of their true loyalty, for those loyalists among them would not dare assassinate a minister the Emperor placed his faith in but instead counter his power through other methods.

Regardless, Buyantu found other means to counter Temuder's policies. Sanbaonu was reputed to live in a mansion full of gold from his own corruption, and Buyantu's loyalists managed to confiscate this and use it to alleviate the harsh tax burden. A few local officials who suffered from Temuder's policies tried organising revolts, but they failed to spread widely and were quickly crushed. Reportedly, Buyantu's loyalists infiltrated rebel groups and lured them to Yunnan and Huguang, where Song Longji and Ananda loyalists still operated. This concentrated many rebels in an active theater of war and prevented them from harming the peace elsewhere.

Korean affairs under Buyantu Khan

Regarding Korea, Buyantu Khan helped King Chungseon return to the throne of Goryeo when his father Chungnyeol died in late 1307. Chungseon was an unpopular figure in Goryeo for his ill-fated rule in 1298-99 after the palace coup against his father. In the years after, he lived a life of pleasure in Dadu associating with the uppermost strata of Yuan society where his friend the Great Khan himself invested him with the title Prince of Shenyang (瀋陽王) for his support during the Zhida Rebellion. Several years later, Buyantu advanced his title to King of Shen (瀋王), placing him on an even foot with the most senior Borjigin princes and defacto made him ruler of all Koreans in Liaoyang [5]. This changed little for Chungseon--he ruled Goryeo as an absentee ruler from Dadu, attending to matters in his home country only when Buyantu begged him to. He issued edicts and controlled the careers of ministers and generals through a corp of messengers.

The Hong brothers had opposed Chungseon in 1298 and still opposed him now, especially that he threatened their position in Liaoyang. Hong Jung-hui petitioned Buyantu to divest Chungseon of one of his kingships and give it to another Goryeo prince on the grounds that Chungseon could not hold two thrones. He further suggested that Shen was the more prestigious of the kingdoms--Goryeo was no longer needed and should be abolished and absorbed into either Liaoyang or Zhengdong. At the instigation of his mother, Buyantu strongly disagreed and criticised Hong on the grounds he acted out of personal greed and not actual reverence for custom.

Shortly after, Buyantu arrested Hong under the accusation his misappropriated funds caused the failure of Temur's campaign. Hong sought his brother's ally Kim Heun, but Kim refused to aid him thanks to the animosity between their fathers. Hong was stripped of his posts and sent into exile far to the south in Chaozhou where he held only local postings for the remainder of Buyantu's rule. To balance the Hong clan's remaining power in Liaoyang, Chungseon ordered many new Korean villages established with pro-Goryeo settlers along the northern bank of the Yalu River and on the road between Goryeo and Dadu.

Buyantu limited his punishment to Hong Jung-hui, for he knew the Hong clan were useful loyalists of the throne and their achievements vast. He feared strengthening the Goryeo king too much might lead to accusations of favouritism toward his friend from Borjigin princes. The Goryeo royal family was pliable to Yuan interests as well--if necessary, Buyantu could always divide the two titles. Therefore Hong's brother Hong Jung-gyeon kept his lands and positions, as did the majority of his kin.

Such was not the case in Goryeo itself. Chungseon restored to authority men like Cho Yeon-su (趙延壽), brother of the disgraced Cho Seo whom Hong had helped get executed. Alongside Kim Heun and other ministers of Chungseon, Cho helped purge the Hong clan from their positions in Goryeo and seized much of their land. Some of these Hongs (mostly the cousins of Hong Jung-hui and Hong Jung-gyeon) petitioned Buyantu in 1311, complaining of the tyranny of Chungseon's ministers, but they were rebuffed and instead offered lands in Liaoyang to re-establish themselves. With these actions, the Hong clan's decades-long effort to dominate Liaoyang, Goryeo, and Japan came to naught.

The political change in Goryeo and Buyantu's rewards to the officers in Japan who helped him come to power ironically weakened the Mongol position in Japan, for many of the veteran Mongol commanders now rose more prestigious posts in China. Buyantu replaced them with a host of newer men from China who had served under him. Unfamiliar with Japan, these men lacked knowledge of the peculiarities of the enemy they faced, the country they fought in, and the soldiers they commanded. Buyantu considered this a benefit, for the ongoing power struggles made him keenly aware of the danger a large frontier army posed due to their role in both his own and Ananda's seizure of power.

It also benefitted his mother Dagi, for she too feared these men might try and increase the Emperor's personal power at her own expense. She ensured that Ochicher, one of Buyantu's foremost loyalists, became Marshal of Zhengdong, eliminating him as a local factor of power--his sons as well received posts in Japan. Other allies of Ochicher likewise found themselves taking up posts in Japan.

Buyantu desired an end to the ruinously expensive Japanese campaigns. He withdrew all but a garrison of 20,000 soldiers supplied by 200 warships and left all other matters of defense to the Kingdom of Japan and Goryeo. Buyantu moved many of these soldiers to the western border as a reminder to the Chagatai Khanate and the House of Ogodei not challenge Yuan rule. Many others he sent to the south, where the continuing rebellion of tusi chiefs Song Longji and Shejie still vexed the Yuan. Given Buyantu's aggressive letters to rulers in Southeast Asia and India, it appears he sought to reassert Mongol power in this region after the numerous defeats by using Duwa's expansion into India as pretext.

The Song-Duan Rebellion

The Yunnan situation was particularly pressing, thanks to the number of Ananda loyalists who fled there. They themselves numbered well over 20,000 and had widespread support due to a fondness for the Muslim administrators descended from Shams al-Din Omar al-Bukhari and his son Nasr al-Din. They were led by Masud, brother of Nasr al-Din, who allied with Song Longji and joined forces with Duan Zheng's son Duan Long (段隆), still resentful of his father's execution. They proclaimed the restoration of the Dali Kingdom, with Duan as king and Masud as chancellor. They executed Sungshan, governor of Yunnan (and Buyantu's cousin) and signed an alliance with Mangrai, Shejie, and Song Longji.

This represented the final escalation of Song Longji's rebellion began four years prior, as the Yunnan Muslims and support of the Dali royal family invigorated Song's exhausted forces. Buyantu Khan responded by sending 10,000 veteran Mongol warriors from Japan under Gao Xing, victor over the rebel forces of the Shouni and Adachi clans. Gao took command of the entire force and managed to defeat Shejie in November 1307 thanks to an innovative strategy--he tricked Song's armies into believing he was surrounded by enemies by ordering small detatchments to carry drums instead of shields and exploiting the ensuing chaos.

These strategies frustrated the rebel armies for some time, but soon Song saw through this strategy and crushed Gao's army piece by piece in January 1308. Buyantu Khan banished Gao to Liaoyang for his failure. Meanwhile, the Yunnan general Laujang died in battle against the invading Lan Na forces, and with these two defeats the rebels nearly chased the Yuan forces from Yunnan.

However, Buyantu still had an enormous force of veteran warriors. Thanks to the many soldiers and officers from Japan which returned, cycled out in favour of fresher troops, the Yuan held the line. Led by Zhang Ding, eager to avenge his father and brother who had died in the conflict, these veteran forces fought tenaciously with their experience at dealing with enemy ambushes in mountainous terrain.

Zhang innovated himself. At an attempted ambush of Song's forces, he pretended to copy Gao's strategy and positioned small units of drummers. Behind these units he kept a number of trained heavy infantry in reserve. Song believed it a trap and directly charged Zhang's force, believing it to be a bluff, but this proved a mistake as he was beset on all sides. Song's routed forces hurried across a river while his chief lieutenant Shejie battled as a rearguard. This fierce woman general had been hitherto successful, but now she was surrounded and most of her warriors wiped out in a final stand. Shejie managed to escape, but she was injured and lost nearly all of her soldiers in this battle and previous encounters. Fearing the fate of her tusi state, she surrendered to the Yuan in exchange for the lives of her soldiers and family and was executed in March 1309.

The defeat of Shejie and increasing stability within the Yuan weakened the rebellion, and in April 1309, Song Longji's nephew Song Achang (宋阿重) defected to the Yuan in exchange for the right to replace his uncle as tusi chief of Shuidong. He was tasked with an important mission--kill or capture his uncle. In July of that year, Song and a squad of warriors encircled his uncle's residence as he prepared for another campaign and abducted him, delivering him to the Yuan court where was tortured and executed in August. Subsequently, Song and his fellow tusi chief Yang Hanying led an army into Shuidong where he killed many of his uncle's loyalists and recaptured it for the Yuan. Members of his family who followed his uncle faced torture and death.

The final offensive into Yunnan proper began in November 1309 under the lead of Zhang Ding and Wang Weiqin. Dali's general Umar (烏馬児) (Masud's nephew) held the line at the city of Weichu not far from Dali itself, where Zhang Ding's forces besieged the city [6]. Umar sortied out in March 1310 and managed to inflict a great defeat to Zhang's army, but at significant cost to the remaining Dali forces. Zhang resigned his command, but thanks to the intervention of his former commander Burilgitei was permitted to assume a new command in Japan. Buyantu replaced him with the trusted general Kuchu.

Kuchu's campaign proved more successful as he linked up with the remnants of the Yunnan armies and smashed another Lan Na army sent by Mangrai in May 1310. Although the wet season hindered his actions, in October 1310 he advanced once more. His deputies Wang and Buranqi (不蘭奚) crushed Umar's army and killed him in action while Kuchu himself besieged to Dali's capital. The grueling siege lasted until May 1311, when secret Yuan loyalists in the Duan family, including the youth Duan Yi (段義) (cousin of Duan Long) opened the gates and surrendered in exchange for retaining their privileges. So ended a rebellion termed the Song-Duan Rebellion that lasted over eight years and spanned the reigns of four khans.

As for Mangrai, Buyantu agreed to a peace with his Kingdom of Lan Na [7]. In exchange for paying the Yuan a paltry tribute and agreeing to Buyantu's request to constrain hill tribe raids, Lan Na became defacto rulers of the disputed Tai kingdom of Chiang Hung and adjacent areas. The Yuan administrators assigned to this kingdom lost all practical power and became subject to Lan Na's whims. The Yuan negotiated similar treaties with other Shan and Tai states on the border. Those who refused this generosity faced attacks from the revived Yunnan force under Wang Weiqin and Yunnan's new overlord Duan Yi. Peace gradually returned to the southern border.

The victory in the south restored peace to the Yuan dynasty. The decrease in military spending, good harvests, and increasing trade with the expanding Mongol empire in the west produced dividends for the Yuan treasury, although finances still remained very shaky. Even with Temuder and the dowager empress Dagi controlling many affairs within the government, Buyantu Khan still found ways to carry out his agenda thanks to his tireless Confucian loyalists. Among this included continued reduction in superfluous government posts, and such a policy extended to the Kingdom of Japan. Despite his best intentions, it would be this policy of Buyantu Khan's which plunged the Mongol Empire back into one of its longest-lasting fronts of conflict.

Author's notes
---
This is a very pure alternate history chapter and continues Chapter 39. Unlike OTL, Buyantu Khan rises to power several years earlier and the entire conflict between his ministers and his brother Khaishan's ministers is butterflied due to the latter prince having died and his followers tending to back Buyantu, so his Confucian agenda gets to start earlier. Notably this keeps the Confucian minister Li Meng (considered among the most talented scholars of his day) in the good graces of the government without his scandalous suggestion to Buyantu immediately after Ananda's death that he should take the throne instead of his elder brother.

Ananda actually managing to seize the throne opens up a lot of people to punishment and retribution once he is gone which makes Buyantu's reforms (which as I've described all actually occurred in the 1310s or were planned to occur) slightly easier. Further, without his brother Khaishan's generally failed economic policies and his excessive grants of titles and monetary rewards, Yuan's financial situation is somewhat better.

The next chapter will return to Japan and cover the initial few of years of the Miura clan's dominance of the Kingdom of Japan and their internal affairs.

[1] - An OTL quote, paraphrase taken from Cambridge History of the Mongol Empire
[2] - In medieval Japan, Chinese learning largely concentrated itself in the imperial court and certain monasteries, but the Mongol darughachi and the bureaucratisation of the Kingdom of Japan is decentralising this education to the provinces.
[3] - The translation effort is a mixture of OTL and ATL. IOTL, some of these texts don't seem to have been translated, only reprinted and widely distributed within the Yuan realm, and beside some of Rashid al-Din Hamadani's works of which Bolad contributed toward, it is unknown just how widely it spread beyond the Yuan realm. However, I think TTL with the earlier reunion of the Mongol Empire, its greater success, and Ayurbarwada's earlier ascension to power that this effort could be broadened in scope.
[4] - Zhenhai (鎮海) (or perhaps Chenghai) is the Chinese name for Chinqai Balghasun, a major fortress in southwestern Mongolia. It was likely abandoned by the end of the 14th century and today lies in Gobi-Altai Province, Mongolia, somewhat near the town of Altai. In its heyday during the 1290s when Yuan was involved in wars on its western front, it hosted tens of thousands of soldiers, supported by a vast population of craftsmen and nearby farmers, and was the second largest city in Mongolia after Karakorum.
[5] - Two-character noble titles generally ranked below single-character noble titles under the Yuan. From this point forth, I'll reflect the difference by rendering the former "prince" and the latter "king", despite the use of the same character "王" (it is translated in both ways depending on source).
[6] - Weichu is now Chuxiong in Yunnan
[7] - Mangrai supposedly died from being struck by lightning, so it wouldn't take much luck for him to survive.
 
I wonder if the reign of Buyantu Khan might not change some of the native Chinese perspective on the Yuan -- at the very least, I could see him being seen as the good emperor after years of barbarian iniquity...
 
[2] - In medieval Japan, Chinese learning largely concentrated itself in the imperial court and certain monasteries, but the Mongol darughachi and the bureaucratisation of the Kingdom of Japan is decentralising this education to the provinces.
IMO, this besides that would be likely to help to spread the Chinese cultural and linguistic influence in the KoJ also would allow both that more Japanese people would be able to learn and follow the Confucian way. So, as the number of Japaneses candidates able to aspire to become in imperial examinees. and, related, it may help to expand the recruitment poll for Japanese born Yuan bureaucrats/functionaries.
Buyantu selected a number of foundational Confucian texts such as the Classic of History, Biographies of Exemplary Women, and Classic of Filial Piety, along with other texts such as those regarding the great emperor of the past Taizong of Tang, and Song dynasty historian Sima Guang's (司馬光) Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance--these he ordered them translated into Mongolian alongside the official agricultural manual of the Yuan dynasty commissioned by Kublai Khan, Essentials of Agriculture and Sericulture.
Some copies traveled even further to other parts of the Mongol Empire, largely thanks to the diplomat and bureaucrat Bolad (孛羅). A long-time representative of the Yuan in the Ilkhanate and well-acquainted with their court, Bolad's knowledge and patronage served as a cultural bridge between China and the Middle East. With the aid of Oljeitu Khan and his vizier Rashid al-Din Hamadani, Bolad helped distribute these texts throughout the Middle East. This influence also reached pro-Yuan princes within the Chagatai Khanate who sought to govern the sedentary lands of India and even reached the Jochid realm
[3] - The translation effort is a mixture of OTL and ATL. IOTL, some of these texts don't seem to have been translated, only reprinted and widely distributed within the Yuan realm, and beside some of Rashid al-Din Hamadani's works of which Bolad contributed toward, it is unknown just how widely it spread beyond the Yuan realm. However, I think TTL with the earlier reunion of the Mongol Empire, its greater success, and Ayurbarwada's earlier ascension to power that this effort could be broadened in scope.
I wonder if all or at least the 'Essentials', may reach Europe either via Anatolia/ERE or from TTL surviving 'Outremer', it may be translated from either the Arab or the Persian into the Latin/Greek...
The political change in Goryeo and Buyantu's rewards to the officers in Japan who helped him come to power ironically weakened the Mongol position in Japan, for many of the veteran Mongol commanders now rose more prestigious posts in China. Buyantu replaced them with a host of newer men from China who had served under him. Unfamiliar with Japan, these men lacked knowledge of the peculiarities of the enemy they faced, the country they fought in, and the soldiers they commanded.
Buyantu Khan still found ways to carry out his agenda thanks to his tireless Confucian loyalists. Among this included continued reduction in superfluous government posts, and such a policy extended to the Kingdom of Japan. Despite his best intentions, it would be this policy of Buyantu Khan's which plunged the Mongol Empire back into one of its longest-lasting fronts of conflict.
Would appear that some discontent high ranking functionaries losing their charges plus the newcomers Yuans changing the established power relation due to favoriting to the 'wrong' KoJ faction and/or unnecessarily antagonizing/offending greatly another... May perhaps put the seeds for a bigger revolt and/or for that a number of key KoJ lords may defect/help an eventual invasion from their northern brethrens...
 
The biggest change in politics following Ascension of the new khan would be fall of the Hong family. This would no doubt weaken KoJ unless they quickly carve out a path of their own.

A very uneasy truce between Chagtai and Yuan regarding the estates and Buddhist monasteries. Otoh, loved the dissemination of Confucian knowledge to Middle east.
 
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